Posts Tagged National Health Service
Healthcare Reform: Going to the Dogs?
Posted by Hal Andrews in For Consumers, Healthcare Financing, Healthcare Policy, Healthcare Reform on August 11th, 2009
As the August recess in Washington, D.C. began, the White House and the Democratic members of Congress decided to focus on “health insurance reform” instead of “healthcare reform”. This is, of course, a political calculation driven by fear that doing nothing is untenable heading into 2010 House races. It is easy to vilify health insurers, and insurance reform is certainly important. At the same time, it is simply one component, and probably not the most important.
The Wall Street Journal published an article on Saturday by Theodore Dalrymple, aka Anthony Daniels, M.D., titled Man vs. Mutt. As the title suggests, Mr. Dalrymple discusses the differences in the healthcare provided to humans and canines in Great Britain. In turn, Mr. Dalrymple wonders how a National Health Service for dogs might work. As is customary for Mr. Dalrymple, the commentary is subtle, witty, and incisive.
Mr. Dalrymple’s article reminded me of my basic objection to the discussion of healthcare reform, in America. Why have the American people not been asked the fundamental question that underpins the idea of reform, namely whether we, the people, believe that the right to health care is one of the unalienable rights with which we are born?
Of course, we have never had a national conversation about whether our pets are entitled to healthcare coverage. That would be absurd, right? So what does that system look like?
In my experience, pet owners understand the costs of owning a pet, including the costs of its medical care. The price for services is transparent, payment is due at the time of service, and pet insurance is available for catastrophes. Additionally, it is taken for granted that the care will be compassionate and professional.
So, how can it be that there is price transparency for healthcare for dogs but not their owners? Why does the government have to mandate the measurement of patient satisfaction for humans? Why is health insurance called “insurance”, when it is fundamentally not insurance?
One more key difference between the systems - it would never occur to a pet owner that the government would pay for the costs of veterinary care for the beloved family pet. With a very few exceptions, people with pets take care of them, knowing that failure to do so could result in huge costs, both financially and emotionally.
Where is that personal responsibility for ourselves? Do we really expect a system that allows absolute freedom with little or no responsibility with respect to the decisions that we make about our health? Do we expect our neighbors to pay for the poor choices that we make for ourselves? Do we think that the federal government is the best arbiter of those decisions? Do we think that would violate our Constitutional right to privacy?
I would suggest that the role of the federal government in healthcare should be limited to providing solutions for those who simply cannot afford coverage for themselves, or for those who simply cannot help their DNA. In each case, the federal government could be the insurer of last resort, with insurance in the true sense of the word – coverage against events that are unforseeable or catastrophic.
The Focus of Comparative Effectiveness is Key to the Effectiveness of the Program
Posted by Gunter Wessels in For Consumers, Healthcare Financing, Healthcare Policy, Healthcare Reform on July 27th, 2009
by Gunter Wessels and Pam Shearman
The Focus of Comparative Effectiveness is Key to the Effectiveness of the Program
This blog is about Hospital Value and in this post we want to take a short step back from what could be, to what is already enacted: funding for Comparative Effectiveness (CE) research for the NIH under ARRA 09 at $1.1 Billion. This CE program, a small part of the >$100 billion slice of ARRA related to healthcare, was described as a cost saving measure. That’s a big order for a small check. In the end CE will affect hospitals through reimbursement changes.
The promise of CE is to inform and update Federal guidelines to support cost-effective options. Federal treatment guidelines turn into payment policy, and the market responds by implementing those guidelines to get paid.
The problem with CE as a score-able cost savings measure is CE will adjust Federal guidelines for treatment. Federal guidelines update very slowly; they are already years in the making and sometimes take decades to be adopted (for an example of a fast update to Federal guidelines see http://waysandmeans.house.gov/hearings.asp?formmode=printfriendly&id=2197 part of MMA03 and the K/DOQI guidelines from the National Kidney Foundation circa 1997; detail on the guidelines at http://www.kidney.org/professionals/KDOQI/). This situation will not be remedied by CE, because research is slow. The upside is that CE findings will hopefully help make better guidelines, so the glacial pace of Federal guideline development will eventually result in better medicine.
Focusing the program on the right diseases/treatments would generate a substantial ROI for healthcare policy makers, while freeing up some capacity and reducing costs for Hospitals. There is a Win-Win.
You get what you pay for…sort of.
Beyond the following we’re going to skip the discussion about “rationing.” In virtually every healthcare system on the globe, individuals are still able to purchase the level of care they desire, no matter how extreme or experimental. Those who cannot afford to purchase more than the standard of care are not subject to rationing, even if they believe so. Ask a Canadian if you disagree (after all we are being pelted with breathless praise for Canadian healthcare outcomes, which are objectively good). You’ll find that wait-times in the Canadian health system are despised up to the point where an immediate appointment costs money. Pay out of pocket or not. There is always choice. Furthermore, if you’ve scheduled an appointment with a specialist in the US, you’ve likely experienced a few weeks “wait time.” Is that rationing? No way.
Getting what you pay for is the real dilemma; enter CE. The theory behind CE research is solid. Other countries with good healthcare outcomes as well as premier healthcare systems in the US dedicate resources to investigating how to deliver the best outcomes cost effectively. In the UK for example, the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (www.nice.org.uk/aboutnice/) supports this goal.
Any purchaser of healthcare services should not have to pay the same rate for therapeutic interventions that have different outcomes. It makes less sense to pay more for poor outcomes, a sadly frequent situation (see www.hospitalvalueindex.com for analysis on this topic). The inability to determine which providers deliver more or less quality in healthcare has created the move toward transparency, quality measures, and public reporting; all good things.
But, quality measures only illuminate some pretty basic activities; did the provider do X, to people who need X; when the provider performed Y procedure to patients who need Y, did they have to come back because the outcome was poor? With the benefit of quality measures we still don’t know whether providers are implementing Evidence-Based medicine and/or standard of care for X and Y. Worse, the standard of care may not be cost effective; standards are consensus based, and not necessarily on the healthcare economics of care delivery.
Current market-based activities that support Comparative Effectiveness
Giving Americans access to good affordable care should be within our reach as a nation. CE studies would support this goal, but because there is a current crying need for a focused application of comparative effectiveness the marketplace has already responded.
For the last decade at least, a variety of treatment guides known as Clinical Decision Support Systems (CDSS) have been employed by larger, more integrated and sophisticated healthcare providers. These systems are built to enhance the ability to correctly diagnose disease and then identify the most effective therapy choices. As with any comparative effectiveness determination attempt, however, these systems are best able to update Evidence-Based Medicine treatment algorithms within their own “sand-box”, i.e. within the integrated systems. We wonder how ARRA’s NIH funding will build upon these already available resources and accelerate the adoption of what the best providers already know and use.
Focus Comparative Effectiveness Studies on Big Chunks of Spending
Focus in CE research is of utmost importance, because determining the relative benefits of different healthcare interventions is difficult and time-consuming. Making comparative effectiveness pay-off for payers like Medicare–within a meaningful time frame–requires attention to those disease states that could, if improved, give return for the investment.
There are basically three chronic disease states that consume the majority of Medicare and by association Medicaid spending–all three are related to lifestyle and patient compliance. They are Diabetes, Heart Failure, and Kidney Disease; According to the United States Renal Disease Statistics, in 2008 these diseases consumed over $200 billion of Medicare spend. Private payers spent over $15 billion on the same disease states (http://www.usrds.org/2008/slides/htm/vol1_05_costCKD_ESRD_08.swf.).
These three chronic disease states are the outcome of a long progression of disease, and consequently the problem gets worse with age. Sadly the proportion of patients being diagnosed early enough to slow or reverse progression is too low. Treatment is subject to the use of multiple drugs and interventions and patient monitoring is inadequate (adequate monitoring rates of less than 50% at best–e.g. Diabetes monitoring).
The ability to deliver a more effective care pathway in these diseases is a huge opportunity; simple laboratory tests coordinate care, but according to the USRDS these tests are under-utilized. Furthermore, the use of expensive anemia-controlling drugs costs billions of dollars each year, but the outcome of over-use of these drugs is death. The net result, as reported by the USRDS in kidney disease for example, is that huge costs result from common, preventable, under diagnosed, and under-treated conditions. (See www.usrds.org for more.)
Establishing more comparative effectiveness standards in these three disease states alone would deliver substantial savings–in cost and quality of life.
Small Chunks; Individual Differences and Personalized Medicine Targeted Wisely
“Personalized-medicine” diagnostic tests are emerging with the ability to detect variations in a person’s DNA that control the speed and efficiency that the individual’s body “uses” the drug. It’s a very hot area in diagnostics, and it can benefit cancer patients, people with depression, as well as heart failure, kidney disease, and diabetes.
If enacted, CE will challenge regulators to see through the so-called “genetic flaw” in comparative effectiveness in more genetically variable disease states. The natural variation in people’s genetic makeup in certain areas–like glycemic response–causes certain therapies to fail because of individual genetic make up, rather than whether they are effective in the specific populations represented in randomized controlled trials. Therefore, to aim CE studies and monies at less prevalent diseases, the “smaller chunks” of our healthcare spend, will require more genetic testing in a larger percentage of the population. These tests continue to evolve, are challenging to interpret, and are expensive, so they do not represent our most cost effective focus option.
A Pragmatic Solution
Fortunately, to contain the biggest costs, we don’t need elaborate genetic testing; we can rely on simple, inexpensive, and readily available laboratory tests for the most common and most costly diseases.
Policy makers should focus CE studies on the “Big Chunks”–Heart Failure, Kidney Disease, and Diabetes. Applying the best current knowledge of diagnostic testing, intervention, and monitoring standards for these diseases will pay back the $1.1 billion more quickly, and improve the lives of thousands of Americans.
Is It Worth It®: The Prevention and Wellness Trust
Posted by Hal Andrews in Healthcare Policy, Healthcare Reform on June 27th, 2009
As evidenced by the volume of posts on the House Tri-Committee plan for health reform, Chairmen Rangel, Waxman, and Miller delivered a broad and comprehensive plan for reforming health insurance coverage and services. Even so, one proposal screamed for an installment of “Is It Worth It®”.
The House proposes the creation of the “Prevention and Wellness Trust”. This sounds like something straight out of England’s National Health Service, but it’s not – just Google “Doris Matsui” to find out the champion of the concept.
The House plan reserves $15,200,000,000 over 5 years for prevention task forces, prevention and wellness research, delivery of community-based prevention and wellness services, and public health infrastructure. The Secretary of HHS is instructed to submit a national strategy every two years for improving America’s health through evidenced-based clinical and community-based prevention and wellness activities, including core public health infrastructure improvement activities.
Is It Worth It®? Only if you think all Americans are morons. Let’s be serious – as posted previously, behavior is the Number 1 factor in our health status. For free, I will suggest the national strategy here: exercise more, eat less fat and sugar, quit smoking, make sure your kids get vaccinated on time, and get a physical every 2-3 years. Could we use more resources for community health clinics and vaccines? Sure. However, we don’t need comparative effectiveness studies or strategic committees or infrastructure improvement to improve our wellness. A little pain in the pocketbook from taxing employer-sponsored healthcare benefits will work wonders in this regard.

