Posts Tagged healthcare reform
Missed Opportunities to Control Future Healthcare Costs in the House Healthcare Reform Bill
Posted by Mark Brenzel in For Consumers, Healthcare Financing, Healthcare Policy, Healthcare Reform on November 23rd, 2009
Missed Opportunities to Control Future Healthcare Costs in the House Healthcare Reform Bill
It is generally agreed that the recently passed House Reform Bill will cause healthcare costs to explode. Providing more people with insurance coverage and making certain services free to the patient (e.g. there will be no cost sharing for preventive services) will cause an explosion in demand. As the Massachusetts experiment has shown, the only restraint on the increase in demand will be the shortage of physicians, especially primary care physicians.
This is not to say that none of the provisions in the Bill address healthcare costs. It is worth reviewing some of these provisions.
Reducing Fraud and Abuse:
The Bill increases funding for fraud and abuse investigations. Congress learned in the 1990s after passage of the Kennedy-Kassenbaum Bill that there is potentially a lot of money to be recovered from misbehaving providers committing Medicare fraud. There have definitely been some egregious cases of fraud where providers have engaged in scams to get Medicare reimbursement for fictitious services. For the most part, however, this fraud is small dollar fraud relative to the size of the Medicare budget. The big recoveries have come from cases where the fraud was dubious at best and at worst were attacks on specific industries or companies. The actions against lab companies, home health agencies, dialysis companies, and Columbia/HCA in the 1990s and early 2000s come to mind. The accusations mostly involved different interpretations of various regulations between Medicare and the providers. In most of the cases, the government decided to go after providers for long established practices that were well known. This is not true fraud and speaks more to the complexity of Medicare’s regulations and the government’s incompetence than anything else. If the government goes after major recoveries based on “new” interpretations of what is acceptable practice, no cost reductions are being accomplished. Medicare will recover the funds, but the providers will have to seek other revenues to replace what is lost and cover the fines. As they have for 50 years, they will look to private insurers (if they are still around). This is cost shifting, not cost reduction.
Establishing Clinical Standards:
Perhaps the more interesting cost-control provision of the Bill establishes a Center for Comparative Research inside the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. The purpose of this new Center is “to identify the manner in which diseases, disorders, and other health conditions can most effectively and appropriately be prevented, diagnosed, treated and managed clinically” i.e. this Center will be establishing new clinical standards. For opponents of the Bill, this Center is the dreaded “Death Panel”. They fear that the Center and its related Commission inevitably would establish standards that limit care for cost reasons. However, to avoid this criticism, the following language was added to the Bill:
“Nothing in this section shall be construed to permit the Center or Commission to mandate coverage, reimbursement or other policies for public or private payers.”
“Nothing in this section shall be construed to authorize any Federal officer or employee to exercise any supervision or control over the practice of medicine.”
The Bill’s opponents can decide whether these latter two provisions provide enough security from the federal government meddling in people’s healthcare decisions. From my perspective, it is simply a missed opportunity for the government to initiate some meaningful reform. The lack of consistently applied and dynamic clinical standards is perhaps the greatest weaknesses of the healthcare system today. No other industry operates in such a manner. This lack of standards makes it impossible for insurers to adequately describe what they cover (or do not cover) and for patients to understand what they should expect from their providers. This vacuum leaves the door wide open for attorneys to sue providers and insurers for their decisions when their client did not get the desired outcome. Without standards, there is always an “expert” available to say that the care could have been better. The lack of standards also allows many medical device and pharmaceutical companies to market inferior, more expensive, and sometimes even ineffective therapies in partnership with bought off medical researchers.
While undertaking comprehensive healthcare reform, the government has a real opportunity to bring some discipline to the provision of medical services. The physician’s decision to order tests or treatments is always an exercise in probability. The current system that exposes doctors to severe malpractice risks and financially protects patients from the cost of their care leads physicians to order tests and treatments that have a low probability of providing useful information or getting effective results. Clinical standards that are developed after consideration of clinical probabilities and costs of various treatment alternatives could be very helpful to physicians. While physicians have been generally resistant to these efforts, I believe their concerns can be addressed. If the standards are tied into protection from baseless malpractice suits, physicians will be more open to the idea. The process for setting standards would have to be dynamic so that they change as new technology and information become available. They would also have to clearly indicate where physician judgment is necessary. Most importantly, insurance companies should be allowed to make coverage decisions based on these standards. Their decisions could be reviewed by an outside panel where there is disagreement. Because the standards would be based on an evaluation of probabilities, patients should always be allowed to pay for tests and treatments that are not within the standards. Research companies could also pay for “non-covered” services for their purposes.
It is absurd to think that when the government gets to the point that it is paying 60 to 70% (whether this is appropriate is another discussion) of the nation’s healthcare bill that it should not make decisions about the value of what is being purchased. It is the same discretion that any intelligent person exercises when a significant purchase is being considered. Unfortunately, the House Bill is setting up the scenario where the government will eventually pay a large percentage of the nation’s healthcare bill and have to forego a valuable tool to manage its expenditures. It is a missed opportunity.
The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act
Posted by Editor in For Consumers, Healthcare Financing, Healthcare Policy, Healthcare Reform on November 19th, 2009
Intended consequence of the recently passed House Bill
Posted by Mark Brenzel in For Consumers, Healthcare Policy, Healthcare Reform on November 16th, 2009
Over the past month, the leadership in the House had to accept one significant change to their concept of healthcare reform; the public option will now have to act more like a private insurer at least in regards to how it will negotiate rates with providers. Instead of accessing the Medicare rates, the revised Bill calls for the government plan to pay the average of prevailing provider rates with private insurers (obviously the formerly confidential agreements between payers and providers will no longer be confidential at least as far as the government is concerned) .
At first glance, this would appear to be a significant and positive change for the future financial stability of hospitals. Under the old bill, the government plan would have had such an enormous advantage over private insurers in terms of what it paid providers in general and hospitals in particular that it was hard to see how the private insurers could survive. Their decline and eventual demise would have eventually reset provider rates across the country to Medicare rates, which do not cover the cost of operating hospitals by today’s standards. Furthermore, the Health Choices Commissioner (HCC) was given power to restructure the payment methodology for providers that potentially could have caused even more havoc in the industry (the Bill still allows for experimentation with the Medicare payment methodology).
However, after reading the new House Bill that just got passed by the House, it appears there really is not much of a reprieve for providers if this Bill or something like it becomes law. The (HCC) was given even more powers to regulate the private insurance industry than the previous bill. These new powers in essence make all the private insurers de facto government run plans. The single most important new power is to approve annual premium increases. This gives the HCC the same power that the States have over their public utilities. There are several big differences however. In my state, the Corporation Commission that has control over the public utilities rates is governed by an elected Board. They are not accountable to the State’s governor. The decisions of the Corporation Commission also do not significantly affect the State budget. As expensive as utilities can be, they do not make or break the State budget. By this bill, the HCC will be accountable only to the President and will have a powerful voice in how much the federal government pays for healthcare. The federal budget for this program will be significant and it will be very politically sensitive.
The future HCC is going to face the inevitable squeeze of being between a rock and a hard place. As premiums continue to increase faster than inflation (as there are no cost reducing measures in this bill), the cost of the government provided affordability credits (subsidies to low income individuals and families to buy insurance) will rise as well. This will increase the pressure of the program on the government budget at a time when deficits are already projected to be high. One way to mitigate this budgetary pressure will be to fix the value of the affordability credits. If this is done however, the share of the premiums that lower income people will have to pay out of their own pocket will become unaffordable. This will be politically unacceptable. The other alternative will be to just tell the insurers that they cannot raise their rates as much as requested. This will be much more politically acceptable and reduce the pressure of the program on the government deficit.
By the time the above occurs, the insurers will also be restricted by the government’s target of maintaining at least an 85% medical loss ratio. As a result, they will not have the resources (or power) to implement tough new utilization standards that could help them reduce costs. They will not have any choice but to deny providers’ rate increase requests, the only cost they will be able to control (the government also dictates the benefit structure of each plan). Providers will not really have any alternative to accepting what the insurers offer because all the insurers will be forced to operate almost exactly alike. Providers could receive a double punch at this time. In recent years, providers have negotiated new rates with insurers to not only cover their increasing costs, but to also make up for the inadequate increases of Medicare and Medicaid. If the federal and state governments are limiting increases to providers through these programs at the same time, providers will feel enormous financial stress.
Eventually insurers and providers may again choose to experiment with capitation contracts (it is likely such a change would require government approval). Powerless insurers will want providers to take more risk for utilization and prices. Providers may prefer to take risk rather than accept pricing limits hoping that they can implement effective utilization and cost controls on their own. It seems that no matter what eventually occurs with healthcare reform, hospitals will have to become very innovative in lowering their costs.
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform
Posted by Mark Brenzel in For Consumers, Healthcare Financing, Healthcare Policy, Healthcare Reform on October 16th, 2009
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform
(that are never properly considered)
Two healthcare reform proposals have dominated the debate to date; the public option and how to finance the additional cost for universal coverage. However, there are some other significant changes in the House Bill that the general public would find hard to understand that would nevertheless dramatically change the healthcare system if passed.
The new Health Commissioner that will oversee the Health Choices Administration will have enormous powers over the new healthcare exchange and private QHBPs (qualified health benefit plans). The healthcare exchange will act much as the Massachusetts Connector and provide a marketplace for individuals and small employers to purchase insurance. In essence, it will allow individuals and small employers to increase their purchasing power by forcing insurers to put them into large risk pools.
Some of the requirements in the House Bill for QHBPs are as follows:
- May not consider pre-existing conditions
- Guaranteed issue and renewability
- Premium rate variability:
- Age – limited to 2-1 ratio from most expensive age group to least expensive
- By area
- By family make-up; ratio to individual premium must be consistent
- Parity in mental health and substance abuse benefits to medical benefits
- Must meet minimal medical loss ratio established by Commissioner; if does not meet it must make a refund to subscribers
- No annual or lifetime limitations
- No deductibles or co-pays for preventive services
- Limit to annual out-of-pocket expenses; $5,000 per individual, $10,000 per family
- Basic plan benefits must cover 70% of the expected cost of healthcare for the population; enhanced plan must cover 85% and premium plan must cover 95%
Some of the powers of the Health Commissioner are as follows:
- Commissioner has right to determine adequacy of network and force an insurer to pay in-network rates where their contracted network is deemed inadequate
- Commissioner can adjust premiums revenues among plans to adjust for adverse selection
- Under the public option, the provider payment mechanisms and policies may be changed from the Medicare methodology to include patient-centered medical home and other care organizations, value based purchasing, bundling of services, differential payment rates, performance or utilization based payments, partial capitation, and direct contracting with providers.
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #1
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #2
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #3 Part 1
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #3 Part 2
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #4
The Joint Committee on Taxation’s Preliminary Report on Healthcare Reform Tax Effects
Posted by Editor in Healthcare Financing, Healthcare Policy, Healthcare Reform on September 16th, 2009
The Chairman’s Mark – America’s Healthy Future Act of 2009 – Sen. Baucus
Posted by Editor in Healthcare Financing, Healthcare News, Healthcare Policy, Healthcare Reform on September 16th, 2009
The Value Decision in the US and Canadian Healthcare Systems
Posted by Mark Brenzel in For Consumers, Healthcare Policy, Healthcare Reform on September 9th, 2009
The focus of the public healthcare debate has predominantly been about the pros and cons of the “robust public option”. Critics say that it will turn the US healthcare system into a Canadian like government run healthcare system (single payer – private providers). They go on to describe long waiting lines for tests and surgeries that eventually are performed in old inadequate facilities.
Native defenders of the Canadian system are firing back at American critics. These Canadians defenders refute the allegations that there are long waiting lines for elective services, that many Canadians come to the US for care they cannot get or wait to receive in Canada, and that Canadians are unhappy with their system. They have some impressive statistics from a government study (Healthy Canadians: Canadian government report on comparable healthcare indicators) that back their arguments.
- The median wait time in Canada to see a specialty physician is a little over four weeks with 89.5% waiting less than 3 months.
- The median wait time for diagnostic services such as MRI and CAT scans is two weeks with 86.4% waiting less than 3 months.
- The median wait time for surgery is four weeks with 82.2% waiting less than 3 months.
- The median wait time in Canada to see a specialty physician is a little over four weeks with 89.5% waiting less than 3 months.
- 85.2% of Canadians reported that they were “satisfied” or “very satisfied” with the way health care services are provided in their country and an even higher number (89.8%) rated their physician in the same way though slightly lower ratings were awarded to hospitals (79.9% being “satisfied” or “very satisfied”).
- Only an estimated .5% of Canadians get their care in the US (Canadian National Population Health Survey Study).
People in the US may be able to get services faster than described above, but for many people getting insurance authorization for different procedures increases the waiting time closer to what Canadians experience. It is also doubtful that the extra wait times in Canada are significant to their clinical outcomes.
In the hyperbole of the debate however, the real difference in the US and Canadian systems is being missed. A 2005 report by the Canadian Institute for Health Information (Medical Imaging in Canada) comparing MRI and CT utilization in the US and Canada highlights the real differences in the two systems.
The U.S. performed more than three times the number of MRI exams, reporting 83.2 MRI exams per 1,000 population in 2004–2005, compared to 25.5 in Canada and 19.0 in England. When comparing CT exams per population, the U.S. performed nearly double the exams, with 172.5 CT exams per 1,000 population, compared to 87.3 in Canada (Medical Imaging in Canada; Canadian Institute for Health Information).
A very old study shows a similar pattern for coronary artery bypass surgery (Use of coronary artery bypass surgery in the United States and Canada. Influence of age and income; Institute for Clinical Evaluative Sciences, Ontario, Canada 1993)
There is little doubt that there would be similar findings with other clinical services. The real debate then should be about the value of the “extra” tests and procedures being done in the US, who should decide what is valuable, and who is going to pay for those decisions? Currently, physicians and their insured patients decide what is valuable and then send the bill to the government or their employer who have little to no say in the decision. This is the most untenable of situations. Demand for services far outstrip the value they produce. A popular number in the literature is that 30% of all healthcare services provided in the US are unnecessary.
In a single payer system run by the government, the government is going to decide what is valuable. In a true free market system, the patient decides with advice from his or her doctor and then pays for that decision. As employers cut back on insurance benefits for their employees and in the absence so far of a significant government takeover, the US is moving toward the free market approach by default. No matter whether the US moves toward a free market system by default or a single payer system by law, the utilization of elective healthcare services per capita is going to eventually decline and that is something providers better start considering in their long term future plans.
2009-2010 Hospital Value Index™ – Release 3 Big Cities Low Value
Posted by Editor in For Consumers, Value-Based Purchasing on September 8th, 2009
HOSPITALS IN LARGEST U.S. CITIES OFFER THE LEAST VALUE
Study Finds Markets Such as Los Angeles and San Francisco Score Particularly Low, while Charlotte, Rochester and Pittsburgh Score Highest
2009-2010 Hospital Value Index™ – Release 3 Big Cities Low Value
Nashville, TN – According to the most recent Hospital Value Index™ results, a study that analyzed data from more than 4,500 hospitals across the United States, hospitals in the largest U.S. cities generally offer a low value of patient care compared to elsewhere in the country.
“Our findings conclude that these urban areas offer less affordable and less efficient care, which affected the overall performance of the market,” .
“Ironically, we found that the hospitals with which the White House and its advisers are most intimately familiar deliver low healthcare value against every benchmark ‐ city, state, CMS Region, and the U.S.”
For example, the Chicago market ranked 88th out of the 100 largest markets, just one spot behind McAllen, Texas and one spot ahead of Honolulu. Other than Fort Myers and Las Vegas, the lowest‐ranking large markets were all in California. The top five states in delivering value were North Dakota, Iowa, Montana, South Dakota, and Maine. The bottom five states were New Mexico, Arkansas, California, Hawaii, and Nevada.
“Like every other good and service, price is an essential part of healthcare value,”. “For California, prices are relatively high, even after adjusting for national wage variances. The uninsured, underinsured and health savings account members are disproportionately harmed by the high prices, without receiving superior quality, outcomes or patient experience in exchange.”
“The rules have changed ‐‐ whether because of the economy, health reform or Value‐Based purchasing, and quality alone is not a sustainable strategy for the U.S. hospital industry,” said John Morrow, one of the authors of the study. “These organizations will need to be accountable to their communities for their performance on value and be transparent about doing so. The Hospital Value Index™ is a means toward that end.”
The latest study from the Hospital Value Index™ used the most current and comprehensive set of publicly available data, including Hospital Compare data released by CMS in July 2009, to analyze more than 4,500 U.S. hospitals to discover where patients can find the best value of care in their community. The Hospital Value Index™ researchers analyzed a variety of public data on hospital quality, price, efficiency, and patient satisfaction. The Hospital Value Index™ is updated frequently to reflect the dynamic impact of change occurring in the hospital industry.
Data Advantage will release the complete 2009‐2010 Hospital Value Index™ results on September 15 in Washington, D.C. For more information on the Hospital Value Index™ findings, please visit HospitalValueIndex.com or this site, www.TheHealthcareValueBlog.com.
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #3 Part 2
Posted by Mark Brenzel in For Consumers, Healthcare Financing, Healthcare Policy, Healthcare Reform, Value-Based Purchasing on September 4th, 2009
Even though it appears that the White House and many House members are still determined to get a robust public option into the final bill, the current prognostication is that it will not survive. In its place, there will be some kind of public operated exchange that gives individuals a place to buy their insurance from private insurers in a competitive market. These insurers will have to continue negotiating their rates with providers. The Baucus bill may set these exchanges up by State and allow States to pool their efforts. In this scenario, different states may choose to give their exchanges different powers. It can be presumed with some safety that any House bill would only have a federal exchange.
Just as in Part 1 above, providers will benefit by more people being covered. Bad debt should decline and volumes increase fairly quickly. And just as above, the healthcare cost problem is going to be exacerbated going forward. At some point in the future (when Medicare and Social Security are substantially increasing the annual deficit, the new healthcare entitlement is more costly than expected, and the government’s ongoing operating deficit is unsustainable), the federal government will again have to take on the issue of healthcare costs. At that time, there will not be as profound an access problem complicating the debate. This new debate will focus on controlling healthcare costs.
To see into the future about how the government will proceed, it is best to look at the past. The major Congressional initiatives to control Medicare costs after they started to get out of hand were to implement the CON program in the early 70s, begin implementing prospective reimbursement in the early 80s, increase the anti-fraud efforts in the 90s, and reduce provider annual increases in the 2000s. Not once during any of those times was there a serious discussion about cutting back on Medicare benefits. Nor is there any reason to believe there will be any serious discussion of this possibility in the future. The baby boomers will be a large voting bloc that no politician will want to upset. Considering that a vast majority of this group will also not be financially prepared for retirement, they will vote to hold onto as many government benefits as possible. As in the past, the government will focus on a variety of ways to reduce their payments to providers.
It would seem that no matter whether there is a robust public option included in the current reform effort or not, the future challenges facing hospitals and all providers are fairly well mapped out. At some point in the future, providers are going to be faced with the challenge of how to survive with fewer revenues while the demand for services is rising. The providers that can establish clinical standards to ensure that each service provided is clinically “necessary” will be way ahead. The greatest barrier to setting such standards will likely not be physician obstruction. The greatest barrier will be the liability risk for limiting services based on low probabilities of clinical harm to patients.
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #1
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #2
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #3 Part 1
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #3 Part 2
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #4
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #2
Posted by Mark Brenzel in For Consumers, Healthcare Policy, Healthcare Reform, Value-Based Purchasing on September 2nd, 2009
QHBPs will be required to offer plans that pay 70 and 85% of the actuarially projected costs of the population. They may also offer a plan that pays 95% of the projected costs. The Commissioner can adjust premiums among plans to compensate plans that experience significant adverse selection.
Individual subscribers will make an informed choice about what plan to purchase through the healthcare exchange. Initially, people who have utilized the healthcare system at a high rate will purchase a plan providing a high level of benefits if they can afford the monthly premium. People, who are healthy or choose minimal healthcareintervention will choose the plan that has the lowest premium and lower benefits. In other words, the plans providing the highest level of benefits will naturally experience adverse selection. If the premiums become too expensive for these plans, sick people who cannot afford these premiums will have to consider plans with lower benefits and higher out-of-pocket costs. They will be between a rock and a hard place.
It appears that the House Bill will give the Commissioner the power to address the above problem. The Commissioner can adjust the premium revenues from one plan that has healthier/lower utilizing patients to another plan that is covering sicker patients. How this determination will be made is anyone’s guess. How often the Commissioner will use such power is also hard to project. If he or she is aggressive in the use of this authority, the individual decision regarding the benefit-premium tradeoff may become meaningless. Choosing a 70% benefit plan with premiums that are adjusted upward to cover the higher utilization of the people who choose the 95% plan will not make any sense. Purchasing the higher benefit plan will be the better value.
In the scenario described above, a large percentage of the population could eventually be covered by plans that virtually protect them from paying any of the costs of their utilization of healthcare services. Utilization and costs will increase as a result. The current projections for the cost of this healthcare reform could be tremendously understated.
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #1
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #2
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #3 Part 1
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #3 Part 2
The Unintended Consequences of Healthcare Reform – #4

